Mohamed Salah's unexpected move to Trabzonspor has sent shockwaves through the football world. The Egyptian star, long linked to Europe's elite clubs, is set to earn a reported €17 million per season over a two-year deal, with bonuses pushing the total package beyond €40 million. For a club that has not consistently competed at the highest level of European football, this represents a staggering financial commitment. But for the Turkish Süper Lig side, this is no reckless gamble — it is a calculated outcome of a deeply political football ecosystem.

The question of how Trabzonspor can afford such a deal is at the heart of the matter. Few clubs globally could offer a player of Salah's caliber such a contract. Yet, Trabzonspor's position in Turkey's football hierarchy explains everything. According to Dağhan Irak, a specialist in Turkish football and politics, the club is effectively shielded from financial failure by state support. 'Trabzonspor will, thanks to its status, receive all the necessary assistance from the state to fulfill its contractual obligations with Mohamed Salah,' he says. 'It absolutely does not risk bankruptcy.'

A Symbol of Turkey's State-Directed Football

This transfer is more than a footballing event; it is a symbol of how Turkish football is shaped by political power. The regime of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has frequently interfered in football affairs, from the controversial transfer of N'Golo Kanté to Fenerbahçe to the sanctions imposed on Amedspor, a Kurdish club openly opposed to the AKP. Amedspor, promoted to the Süper Lig for the first time, faced fines and suspensions after publishing a video featuring a young girl with traditional Kurdish hairstyle. These incidents highlight the selective application of rules and the advantages given to clubs aligned with the government.

Trabzonspor is one of those favored clubs. The financial machinery behind it relies on 'infinite credits from state banks to the biggest Turkish clubs,' as Irak explains. This allows these clubs to compete on the European stage and spend heavily in every transfer window. 'Trabzonspor will not have to repay these credits and will benefit from the money of many private companies that all depend on men close to the government and, in reality, are tied to Turkish political power,' he adds.

The Historical Roots of a Two-Tier Football System

The roots of this system go back decades. Dağhan Irak traces state paternalism in Turkish football to the early 1970s, when the government sought to improve Turkey's image abroad. 'In order to make Turkey shine in Europe and shed the image of the sick man that the country had among Westerners, the Turkish government decided to invest massively in its sporting and cultural industries.'

In 1972, the Turkish parliament adopted Law No. 1630, now Law No. 5253, on associations. A key provision recognized 'associations working in the public interest.' According to Irak, 'this law is the starting point of the two-speed Turkish football.' The ten largest clubs in the country, along with the national team, were granted significantly lighter tax treatment and easier access to credit from national banks. These privileges increased according to a club's status. Behind the giant of Istanbul, Trabzon is often considered Turkey's second city, and its 'traditional elite bourgeoisie is very powerful in Turkish political life,' Irak notes.

Unsurprisingly, the Süper Lig championship has been monopolized by the same four clubs: Beşiktaş, Galatasaray, Fenerbahçe, and Trabzonspor. This is not a coincidence but a direct result of state policies that favor these institutions. The system ensures that smaller clubs struggle to compete, reinforcing the dominance of a select few.

Erdogan's Open Embrace of Club Presidents

While the two-tier system predates Erdogan, he has intensified it. According to Dağhan Irak, 'Erdogan no longer hesitates to openly become friends with club presidents, whereas previous administrations were more discreet and not particularly partisan, staying within the limits of the law.' This shift has made political allegiance even more critical for clubs seeking favor.

Erdogan's open support for certain projects is evident. The sudden rise of Istanbul Başakşehir, which won the Turkish championship in 2020, is a case in point. The club, openly supported by Erdogan and now part of the City Football Group, had little popular support before its ascent. Irak describes it as 'a club without great popular enthusiasm that was directly subsidized by the AKP to rise to the top level.'

Even Salah's potential debut in the Turkish league could take place at Recep Tayyip Erdogan Stadium, against Kasımpaşa, the club of the Istanbul neighborhood where the president grew up. Such symbolic connections underscore the intertwining of football and political power.

A Special Privilege Reserved for the Powerful

The situation creates a football landscape where the biggest teams operate under different rules. Irak compares the financial support to 'a financial boost on a club's budget at the start of a career in FIFA,' reserved largely for the three Istanbul giants and Trabzonspor. These four clubs, he says, are supported by '95% of the Turkish population,' and their insolvency would carry enormous political consequences for Erdogan. The loss of a beloved club could turn public opinion against him, with fans ready to 'stand up against Erdogan and the AKP.'

For Trabzonspor, this means the ability to sign a player like Salah without the risk of financial implosion. The club, founded in 1967, has a rich history but has struggled to compete with Istanbul's powerhouses in recent years. Now, with state backing, it can make a statement signing to raise its profile both domestically and internationally.

Salah's arrival is not just about football. It is a demonstration of soft power, a way for Turkey to project influence on the world stage. The government has long used sports as a tool for international visibility, and bringing one of football's biggest stars to the Süper Lig serves that agenda. It also solidifies the bond between the regime and its favored clubs, ensuring loyalty and control.

For the fans in Trabzon, the excitement is genuine. Salah is a global superstar, and his presence will bring unprecedented attention to the club. But the deeper story lies in the machinery that made it possible — a system where political power dictates sporting fortunes and where the beautiful game becomes another lever of authoritarian control. As Salah prepares to step onto Turkish pitches, the question is not just how many goals he will score, but what his move represents for the intersection of sport and state power.

Source: SOFOOT.com News